The question
We call it navigation burden.
Navigation burden is the work a family has to do to turn help that exists on paper into help that actually arrives. Every phone call. Every form. Every office that says you need to talk to a different office. Every document you have to find, copy, and mail.
It is easy to count how many programs a county has. It is much harder to count what it costs a person to use one. That cost has been studied carefully, but almost always one program at a time. A researcher takes SNAP, or Medicaid, or a disability claim, and measures what that one application requires of the people who apply to it (Homonoff and Somerville, 2021; Herd, DeLeire, Harvey and Moynihan, 2013; Deshpande and Li, 2019). Those findings are reliable. They describe only that one program.
A real search involves more than one program. Looking for help might start with a phone number nobody answers, then a county office that gives out a second number, then a form that requires a birth certificate you have to pay to replace, then a food pantry open only during the hours you work, then a nonprofit that serves the next county over. At some point in that sequence a person decides whether to keep going. That decision is made against the total, not against any single program's share of it. The existing evidence already points here: reviewing the take-up research, Currie (2006) found that removing individual barriers does not necessarily have much effect, and concluded that one must address the whole bundle.
No existing records add that total up. Each program keeps records on its own applicants and nobody else. The calls that produced nothing were never anyone's case file. A person who hung up and did not call back does not appear in any denial rate, because there was never an application to deny. Studies that do reach eligible people who never applied have to be built on records complete enough to find them. Bhargava and Manoli (2015) could study non-claimants of the earned income tax credit only because the IRS could identify them from tax filings, and even then the best explanations were confusion and informational complexity rather than stigma. Where no such record exists, those people are simply missing from the count (Ko and Moffitt, 2022).
The result is that the number deciding whether a family gets diapers this month is the one number nobody has collected. The need itself is documented: in a sample of 877 low-income urban mothers, almost 30 percent reported not having enough diapers, and reporting diaper need was associated with reporting mental health need (Smith, Kruse, Weir and Goldblum, 2013). What is missing is the cost of trying to fix it.
Measuring a full search means asking while it is still going on, and that is the difficult part. We run a resource directory and a mutual aid board, so families reach us during a search rather than months after one ended. That is when the questions are worth asking. A researcher usually arrives months later.